This post is by Sabrina Moore, WCS Archives Technician (October 2025-February 2026). Sabrina worked with the WCS Archives as part of our Department of Tropical Research Glass Negatives Digitization project, funded by the Metropolitan New York Library Council (METRO). By May 2026, the WCS Archives looks forward to sharing the results of this project and more of the images that Sabrina discusses below.

As an Archives Technician for the WCS’s Library and Archives at the Bronx Zoo, much of my work over the past six months has involved digitizing 1,000 photographic negatives from the Department of Tropical Research’s (DTR) expeditions in British Guiana (now Guyana), Venezuela, Ecuador, and Haiti. In addition to digitizing, this work included cleaning, rehousing, and creating metadata for the collection. Many of the negatives document the team’s research in tropical terrestrial and marine environments, as well as scenes from the crew’s daily lives.
However, within a collection focused on non-human animals of the Caribbean and South America, I found myself most drawn to photographs of local people. Many appear without names, sometimes identified only by occupation or activity, and at times described using language that today would be recognized as a slur.
Images of humans other than the DTR crew make up approximately 5% of the currently digitized negatives (50 images). Only 1.4% (14 negatives) depict named individuals, all photographed during the DTR’s time in Guyana. Images of unnamed people are regionally split between Guyana (12 negatives) and Haiti (24 negatives).

This namelessness struck a chord with me as the child of Guyanese immigrants, whose extended family spans several Caribbean nations. While reviewing the negatives, there were moments when I recognized familiar features—faces that reminded me of my family or of people I had encountered during my travels to Guyana over the years.

Wanting to understand more about these individuals and their relationship with William Beebe, I turned to his writing, hoping it might restore a measure of their humanity. Beebe was a prolific author, publishing extensively about his expeditions, particularly in Guyana, where he spent considerable time at the Kalacoon and Kartabo Laboratories. Two of his best-known works, Jungle Peace (1918) and Edge of the Jungle (1921), chronicle these experiences, with Jungle Peace notably featuring a foreword by Theodore Roosevelt.
In Jungle Peace, Beebe’s descriptions of local people range from condescending to overtly racist, at times reflecting white supremacist ideologies common in his era. He repeatedly refers to Indigenous and local people as “savages,” including in an anecdote describing a woman in New Amsterdam:
“I watched with fascination a coolie woman bearing a great bundle of loosely bound fagots [sticks]… It surpassed anything I had ever seen among savages—the hand-like mobility of that coolie woman’s toes” (Jungle Peace, 111).
Beebe frequently uses derogatory racialized language, referring to individuals by terms tied to ethnicity or social status. The word “coolie,” for example, was historically used to describe low-wage indentured laborers, often of Indian or Chinese descent; today, it carries deeply derogatory connotations and is considered a racial slur in many countries. His writing also reflects eugenic thought, as when he claims to distinguish “racial types” in British Guiana and suggests that race-mixing occurs “at the expense of the purity of facial lineament of race” (Jungle Peace, 115).

When describing former Dutch sugar plantations, Beebe’s tone shifts toward nostalgia for the colonial past. He evokes a time “when plantations were like small kingdoms,” populated by enslaved laborers and filled with luxury goods (Jungle Peace, 70–71). He contrasts this with the present, lamenting that “the wattled huts of the negros had outlasted the great manor-houses” (71).

Despite this, Beebe occasionally records moments of apparent genuine connection. He writes warmly of “Grandmother,” an elderly Akawai woman he calls “a good friend,” with whom he shared long conversations despite her not speaking English (Edge of the Jungle, 116). He refers to the people who assisted him as servants, though he shows favoritism toward Sam Christopher, Degas, and Jeremiah (also called Nupee) during his time in British Guiana.

Beebe calls Sam “his boy” in his works, suggesting a close—though deeply paternalistic—relationship (Exploratory Works, 68). Through the writer, we learn fragments of Sam’s life: that he had once worked as a warden at a Georgetown jail (Jungle Peace, 140), and a humorous anecdote in which Sam loses his shoes in Kalacoon, only to find them days later at an Akawai wedding, worn by the groom (166–169).

Degas, Grandmother’s grandson, is portrayed as indulgent and a little ineffectual, described as eating from Beebe’s rations or accepting cigarettes while failing to identify a plant (Edge of the Jungle, 117–119).
Jeremiah, an Akawai hunter, is described as “an exceptional, faithful servant first and then a friend” (Jungle Peace, 266). He is the only one of the three mentioned in both books; in Edge of the Jungle, Beebe notes his death and reflects that afterward “the jungle to the south seemed to call less strongly” (5).

While processing the photographs, I also noticed a striking shift in how local people are identified in later expeditions, particularly in Haiti (1927). Here, individuals are no longer given names or honorifics like “Grandmother,” but are simply labeled “Native.” This contrasts sharply with the more specific identifications of Akawai people in Guyana. The photographic compositions and envelope descriptions render these individuals more like specimens—akin to fish or birds—than like people. These observations raise questions about the nature of the relationships between Beebe, the DTR, and local communities in each country.

One explanation may lie in differing research priorities. In Guyana, the DTR relied heavily on local knowledge and labor to access terrestrial environments, whereas in Haiti, its focus shifted toward marine life. While this may partially account for the change in representation, it does not fully answer the most persistent question I had while reviewing the Haiti slides: why are there so many portraits?

It would be easy to conclude that the erasure of names reflects a calculated decision in institutional priorities. However, the presence of photographs, documenting drawings, and their apparent reference images suggest a more complicated story. Someone invested time and skill into carefully rendering these individuals’ likenesses yet did not extend the same care to record their names. The artist’s signature remains difficult to decipher and will require further evaluation by a subject-matter expert.
For now, this is where the story pauses. Still, I am hopeful that by disseminating these images, this project may continue beyond my own work. My greatest desire is that someone might recognize a family member, ancestor, or community member and help restore their name. A name carries identity, relationships, and history. By digitizing these photographs, I hope to have helped make naming—and reclaiming—these lives more possible.
The WCS Archives will be making all the images that Sabrina digitized from our Department of Tropical Research glass negative collection available online by May 2026. In the meantime, we’ll be sharing another post from Sabrina about the collection in April 2026.




























